8. EPILOGUE

One of the main goals of this paper and my graduate study was to create a problem solving process that I can use and further develop for use in my planning career. I have written forty-eight drafts of this research paper. These numerous revisions have allowed me the opportunity to re-design and more clearly define many ideas that I desired to incorporate. This paper has been an exercise for me to reflect and integrate many of the ideas I brought into the planning program at Ball State University. It has also facilitated the "weeding out" of ideas that would have clouded a clear purpose for this paper. Overall this process has allowed me to integrate the knowledge I brought to this program with that gained from the teachings of the Department of Urban and Regional planning to create, communicate and design.

Truly the process has been of more value than the finished product. Though this process is one that began before my time at Ball State University and one that will continue long after, the experience I have had with these professors has helped to develop critical understandings of the concepts used in this paper and concepts I will use in the future. The research process has also enabled me to connect my past knowledge and interests with planning which I chose to follow.

Before joining the masters program I learned about design through engineering, sustainable/alternative building, permaculture, and organic gardening. I learned to live an economically simple yet ecologically and socially rich rural life. As a master’s student, one of my main goals has been to find out how to integrate positive aspects of rural life into urban spaces. I sought a study where I could combine my previous skills and interests permaculture design with the latest research and technology that I was exposed to in school. I also wanted examine the movement of people and materials through urban space, and the invisible boundaries that guided or inhibited these flows. At Ball State, I became interested in urban design and urban spaces which gave materiality to these movements. This research paper is a place where these larger interests meet.

This study of the farmers' market has satisfied this segment of my planning and urban design studies. This has been an opportunity to examine the farmers' market, an institution I could love without words or logic, through a process that communicates the robust relationship of its elements, proving a number of ways it is vital to many nearly invisible aspects of community life.

7. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The farmers, customers, and administrators have all participated in the creation of space and place of these five farmers’ markets. The persistent and innovative farmer has been central to the continuation of the farmers market which could have died somewhere between the 1950s and the 1990s. They also contribute to the sensual and informal education that coexists with his or her commercial intent. The customer is seeking social and culinary nourishment. She is the central actor in the market who generates the central ritual of this urban social space. The farmers’ market administrator not only draws people for commercial or political reasons, but has hands in direct control of the place and its success or failure. She has made the farmers market financially viable.

The innovations of the small scale farmer not only keep the farmers’ market interesting, but contribute to the uniqueness of each farmers’ market. Through this persistence each farmer has developed techniques, favorite crops, and his own story. The small scale farmer sets up the sensual landscape that customers associate with the place of the farmers’ market. The farmer provides food and education, and is central to the theme of the farmers’ market.

The crucial demands and actions of customers contribute to the sense of place and give farmers a market for their products. Not only is there a demand for a certain types of food and social outlets, but the type of group that frequents the market becomes an attraction for other customers as well. This group of people is recognized as belonging to this space.
The administrator has the most power to create and change the place of the farmers’ market, but customers and farmers vote with their feet and their food. The administrator must balance the demands of the customer with the supply of the farmer.

Each farmers’ market is a created space and place. It is a combination of the skills and products literally brought to the table by the farmers, the economic and social activities of the customer, and the coordination of the administrators that makes it what it is. While the space is the physical boundaries of the farmers’ market, the place is made up of the cyclic actions of these three actors.

The place of the farmers’ market has its own robust power; it can continue despite difficulties. It exists partly in the minds of these three actors and partly in the physical environment. Place is recognized for its history and its connotations. The farmers’ market remains a place of memories recorded and re-recorded in the minds of those continually using it as well as that recorded and re-recorded in the design of the built environment. The place and its design are the people and the space and the activity and memories of activities past.

6. THE INSTITUTION OF THE FARMERS’ MARKET

The farmers’ market is both the institution and place where the actions of the farmers, administrators, and customers come together. It is a robust urban place accommodating a public ritual. It is robust because of its ability to adapt to customer demands, crop availability, and available market spaces, but still be the same institution. It is a spatial center in that it is a recognizable landmark with which people identify surrounding spaces. It is also a temporal center in a city or town in that it is a recognizable event that draws a critical mass of people to support other events and activities. The farmers’ market is also a participatory landscape created and sustained by the actions of farmers, administrators, and customers. These qualities are represented in the urban design of the farmers’ market that creates a sense of place and time.

I will first define urban design and address the concepts of space and place of the farmers’ market:

The scale and scope of urban design is described as in between Architecture and urban planning. There is however, no agreed upon standard. Urban design is described by David Gosling as an integral part of the planning process. He uses the quarter or half mile square to designate the scale representing urban design. It is described as a smaller scale than planners use and larger than a building or a single building complex that an architect would work with. He maintains that the objects of architecture and the space they define meet the activities and coordination of planning at the level of urban design (Gosling, 1984).

The scale and scope of urban design is described as in between Architecture and urban planning. While there is no agreed upon standard, David Gosling maintains that the objects of architecture and the space they define meet the activities and coordination of planning at the level of urban design, an integral part of the planning process. The scale is described as a smaller than planners use and larger than a building or a single building complex that an architect would work with. His scale used is “the quarter” or half mile square (Gosling, 1984).
Richard Sennett defines public space, an inherent human social element, as the stage where public rituals are performed. In The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities, he critiques the boundary between indoors and out. He says that the protestant work ethic in the USA has created a militarism of daily life, and reduction and trivialization of urban design is no accident. This militarism has set up walls, separating inside and out. He sees the city as a stage where public rituals are performed. As these rituals disappear, so goes the value of that public space (Sennett, 1990).

Alexander tries to develop a vocabulary of physical elements that could be used in urban design that is friendly to the user from his/her cultural perspective. The farmers’ market is one vocabulary of public spaces with continuing public rituals. Moreover it offers a space with blurred lines between inside and out. The ritual of food shopping is taken out doors, yet farmers use defined spaces such as tents, stalls or buildings confined to the market boundaries.

Many farmers markets are exactly a one block length of street, often closed to automobile traffic during the time of operation. The Original Farmers’ Market of Indianapolis is one example of this. Farmers’ markets also provide a connection of city to countryside through the farmers who bring their products to sell to urban dwellers.

Noting it is not the size that matters; Jon Lang says that “urban design space” is often a street-bound block. He says, what is important, is the orchestration of change facilitated by public forces upon the boundaries of physical space and the activities that are afforded within (Lang, 1994). The public forces discussed in this paper are the farmers, the farmers’ market administrators, and the customers. The change is the aspect of these three actors creating and influencing the farmers’ market in its built and social form.

From these writings I use the term “urban design” to designate place and activity created by public forces that remain in the scale between that of architecture and that of planning. The farmers’ markets in this study are created by the public forces of farmers, customers, and farmers’ market administrators. The scale is often larger than architecture (with the exception of small farmers’ markets confined indoors). The scale is smaller than that of planning.

The criteria for good urban design are also evaluated in many ways by scholars such as Kevin Lynch, Christopher Alexander, and Jon Lang. To create and evaluate my own criteria I first looked at these. In Good City Form, Kevin Lynch provides a set of nine criteria what he calls performance dimensions. In summary, performance dimensions should refer to the spatial form of the city, be general, connect to the goals of any culture, and address all the features of settlement form that are relevant. Various cultural groups should be able to pick their own optimum thresholds for these values. This is so that the dimensions can be used where values differ or are evolving. Locations along these dimensions should be identifiable and measurable. They should be at the same level of generality, independent of each other if possible.
Dimensions should deal with present conditions which may drift over time (Lynch, 1981, p. 118).
Alexander’s criteria, or rules he admits are incomplete but necessary in some form to embody his overall rule correctly in the city. His overriding rule is that every increment of construction must be made in such a way as to heal the city (Alexander, 1987).

Lang follows Maslow’s hierarchy of needs to determine the needs that a certain design affords. He focuses on the public realm and adopts a politically informed approach examining the affordances of the built environment. He also asks how easy is it for a person to adapt to a situation within the built environment? He puts function first (before form), as the environment should function to fulfill human needs and be judged by such criteria and not by aesthetics (Lang, 1994).

In my evaluation of these five farmers’ markets, I have developed my tools of evaluation based upon the writings of experts in the field and my observations of criteria. The farmers’ markets have shown remarkable robustness. They have endured many changes, only to remain the same institution. I’ve chosen to examine participatory landscapes and the formation of centers because they help to facilitate the creation of a temporal and spatial sense of place in the farmers’ market.

The Robust Farmers’ Market
Each institution of the farmers’ market adapts with respect to the variables of, customer demands, crop availability, and available market spaces. Lang writes “the overall goal of urban design is to design robust places…that endure under change.” (Lang, 1994, p. 180). It is the efficiency and adaptability of the physical city as well as that of its people who are called into question when its survival is at stake (Lang,1994). In this section I will investigate how the farmers’ market adapts to the above variables.

Farmers’ market customers enjoy buying farmers’ market products and accept these products that are restricted to the growing season. At the same time, many directly influence what the farmer brings to this event by making requests. Of the farmers’ markets examined in this paper, all are restricted to products grown in Indiana, to Indiana’s growing season and to what can be grown indoors. Due to customer requests, farmers are willing to experiment with new crops and marketing practices for the satisfaction of the former. Another aspect is customers calling ahead to have a product held until a customer gets there. Four of the interviewed customers from different farmers’ markets and from different farmers have had products held for them. Several customer interviews also show that farmers have grown or altered products for their request.

It is driven by what and when the farmers are able to produce. New cycles of growing, selling and customer feedback of this public ritual bring new products. As the customers become better informed of what farmers can grow, farmers are able to increase the diversity of their products. This ever changing institution is always, however, simply the farmers’ market.
Farmers’ Markets adapt to sizes, locations, and qualities of the available physical space. As Gratz and Mintz point out, farmers’ markets can inhabit almost any space. Farmers need a place to drive in and set up their tents and stands. As long as potential foot traffic exists any area will make a satisfactory spot for farmers to sell their harvest (Gratz and Mintz, 1998, p. 220). Farmers’ market spaces can include farmers’ market shops, extended season and/or foul weather shelters, parking lots that are not at the time in use, parks, streets closed to automobiles, vacant lots.

Centers of space and time
Farmers’ markets are centers or nodes of activity. The prominence of these centers gives new and lasting meaning to places. They are spatial and temporal centers that take new forms yet remain an ancient form of commerce. Their space becomes more identifiable the more they grow. Weekly, seasonal, and yearly cycles bring evolution.

Christopher Alexander emphasizes the importance of the formation of geographic centers. He writes of the slow emergence of centers that arise spontaneously and become landmarks in the cityscape (Alexander, 1987, pp. 92-95). Farmers’ markets often start small but become important landscapes for the city.

Lynch describes urban centers as “peaks of activity and interest which dominate the urban scene because of their symbolic importance and the frequency in which they are occupied and seen. [They] are the meeting ground of the diverse metropolis, and they give character to large areas around themselves” (Lynch, 1990, p.91). Farmers’ markets draw a mix of people from local to tourist and from young to old. They are weekly symbols of physical and social community nourishment.

Yi Fu Tuan writes that “center” is not a designated point on the earth, but “a concept in mythic thought rather than a deeply felt value bound to unique events and values” (Tuan, 1977, p. 150). The Original Farmers’ Market at the City Market in Downtown Indianapolis, which I will discuss in detail later, has become and remained a center of both time and space. Its mythic quality has carried it through physical destruction and periods of inactivity. Though the downtown farmers’ market has been at different sites over the last century, its myth has persisted. It now sits as a solid center of space and time at its original location, by the City Market Building.

Temporally, younger farmers’ markets slowly move toward such prominence. Public ritual, which is the observable behavior in public space and discussed below, helps to build the symbolic importance of newer farmers markets.

Farmers’ markets take up an identifiable time of the week. Many customers plan events or errands around their farmers’ market trips. The farmers’ market becomes a temporal center or node that customers plan activities around. Only thirty-two percent of the customers interviewed said they travel directly from home and back to home. During the week, farmers’ markets coincide also with lunch hours and, for many, the drive home.

Public Ritual
An examination of the urban design of the farmers market reveals a space where public ritual is performed. Customers come to the farmers market for its commercial significance as well as for its weekly social aspect.

This space also provides informal education as customers are drawn to participate in its event. Families combine shopping and family time as children have a chance to participate in designated activities as well as informal attractions set up by individual farmers. Tourists are drawn to this event to see the local people buying local products. For some this is also a part of a weekly health or exercise practice.

I think Lang would agree that the farmers’ market meets affiliation needs of Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs for many customers. Its a place where one can talk to the same friendly farmers and see the same faces as most weeks. It may be the closest thing to a community meeting that a local people attend.

The farmers’ market is most obviously known for its formal functions. As a place of commerce, it provides employment and often exists as an attraction for customers into a commercial area. “In its own way, in its own form each market creates a tourist attraction while serving the local community and encouraging local business” (Gratz and Mintz, p. 211, 1998).

Traders Point Green Market, which takes place Friday nights during the summer months, is an attraction for tourists who seek local foods in a rural setting that is not too far from the city. Local meats, produce, and meals made form the products of local farmers can be bought here. It is a place where can people watch the regular customers or become a participant in this weekly ritual.

Participatory Landscapes
People come to the farmers’ market to participate in shopping, socializing, eating, relaxing, exercise and food related education. Tourism and grocery are the formal activities of the farmers’ market. The landscape of the farmers’ market is inherently educational as direct communication with the farmer provides an opportunity to find out how food is grown, about the environmental affects of agricultural practices and about how the animals raised for food are treated. It is a social place and time that affords relaxation and time to spend with friends and family.

In writing about the educational environments that can be created in urban design, Lang asserts that informal learning occurs “as the byproduct of the interactions with the people and places of everyday life…” and names participatory landscapes as the best type of environment to meet the cognitive needs. The farmers’ market is one participatory environment that affords learning (Lang, 1994, p. 306).

Customers get to know the farmers in person, and may receive information about farm visits creating a more intimate connection between producer and consumer. Customers also have the opportunity to learn sensually as they touch different products and taste them.

Tuan states that “learning is rarely at the level of explicit and formal instruction...nearly all learning is at the subconscious level.” In Space and Place, he draws attention to the humanist question of how to increase the burden of awareness within space and place (Tuan, p. 201-203).

As a tourist attraction, people from out of town may frequent the farmers markets to get a sense of what the town is like, giving them the opportunity to meet people from the city as well as meeting the local farmers. During my field work one customer of the Original Farmers’ Market was checking out the place because he had just been excused from jury duty and had some extra time. Two other customers refused to be interviewed on the grounds that they were not from the area. Two other customers spoke about how the people that shop at certain markets seem to be good representation of the surrounding community.

Steve Spencer, a farmer from Sheridan, IN who sells shitake mushrooms at Broad Ripple, Traders Point, and the Original Farmers’ Market in Indianapolis, notes that people are part of the entertainment. For farmers and customers, each customer adds to the entertainment value of the event. Other farmers note altruistic notions of creating a better world through healthier food and a stronger connection to the farm and ecology of the farm.

Not only do customers restock their kitchen pantries from the farmers’ market, but they are also able to restock their “social pantry”: by engaging with other customers and farmers the customer is able to interact and network with others, an aspect of life that has mostly disappeared in today’s modern marketplaces.

At Traders Point, customers enjoy supper with family and friends during the summer season and Saturday morning breakfast during the winter. Other farmers’ markets have fresh baked goods sold by vendors. People can be seen enjoying these foods as well as produce bought from farmers.

Family time is another ritual that is fulfilled through the farmers market. The tasks of shopping are combined with the farmers’ market’s relaxing atmosphere. Some markets specifically provide activities for children, providing the opportunity for learning and fun. Farmers sometimes bring animals for children to hold or pet. Here the children develop a connection to the farmers’ market as well as where their food is coming from.

Exercise is another social activity that compliments many customers’ farmers’ market visits. Thirty percent of the customers interviewed walked to the farmers’ market. Eleven percent ride a bike to get there. For those who drive, there are many opportunities for exercise. The crowded Monon Trail in Broad Ripple is a popular path for walkers and is adjacent to the farmers’ market. Traders’ Point Green Market is located on a dairy farm that has large open fields where families can be found exploring and children found playing. Minnetrista has extensive gardens throughout its forty acre campus and is a stop along the White River Greenway. The Original Farmers’ Market provides an opportunity for downtown workers to walk to lunch. Half of the customers interviewed at Natural Heritage walked to get there.

Sense of Place
Sense of place in the farmers’ market grows stronger as the formation of spatial centers becomes more coherent through public ritual. Of sense, the engagement of all of the senses sends customers home with a strong memory of the event. Sights, sounds, smells, tastes and textures fill the farmers’ market with continuous celebration of the seasons. The repeating cycles of the farmers’ market provide a sense of temporal permanence to this institution. The formation of spatial centers solidifies a sense of permanent geographical location for these participatory landscapes.

Innovative planners, developers and architects who break convention of a national proportion can create catalyst that can encompass local opinions, myths, and rules that make a place not only unique, but create an attraction stronger enduring than that of the high-profile mega-project. These mega-projects are argued to create no-places while local innovations can create that sense of place needed to revitalize a community (Gratz, 1998, p.2-3).

About the sensuous production of place that comes about through music, Sara Cohen writes of the stimuli and product of senses other than sight and touch, namely hearing, that produce lasting effects on place (Dear and Flusty, p. 262). Like the cultural and musical events she writes of, the farmers market creates a multi-media experience that engages every sense. Tastings of food are given freely by farmers. Flowers and herbs scent many of the farmers’ booths. The visual display of each booth tells its own unique story. Sounds of musicians playing local tunes, children playing, and farmers describing their prized veggies permeate the air. Sheep and baby chicks are brought in for children to pet. Vegetables and fruits are inspected by touch, sight, and taste.

Hayden describes “place” as one of the trickiest words in the English language, carrying the resonance of homestead, location, and open space in the city and also position in social hierarchy. Place is also described by Hayden as a social and political production. It contains a social history which is embedded in urban landscapes (Hayden, p. 15-42).

Tuan says that “place” is security and “space” is freedom, noting that we are attached to one and long for the other. He says that space is more abstract than place. The aim of his book is to suggest more than conclude, drawing attention to questions that humanists have posed with regard to space and place. His concern is the design for the creation of a more human habitat. He tries to develop this material from the single perspective of experience (Tuan, p. v).

In Place and Placelessness, E. Relph writes that intentional or not, urban design is influenced by architects, and planners, but greatly by the people who use these spaces, whose influences over long periods of time create experiences of authenticity. He maintains that authentic places afford a sense of identity for people residing within (Relph, 1976).

The public ritual of the farmers’ market performed over a period of years has set precedence for the existence and continuation of farmers’ markets in a number of urban spaces. “Place can acquire deep meaning for the adult through the steady accretion of sentiment over the years” (Tuan, p.33) and that “the identity of place is achieved by dramatizing the aspirations, needs and functional rhythms of personal and group life” (Tuan, p. 178).

Story of place of the farmers’ market
As both a temporal and spatial center, The Original Farmers’ Market in Indianapolis has increased its mythic status since its beginnings as a part of the original plat of the city in 1821. By “mythic” I describe the temporal and spatial permanence that this institution has. The city market building has been destroyed twice by fire. The destruction of 1958 left the market in ruins until 1977 when the current building was completed with the help of the Lilly Endowment and its listing on the National Register of Historic Landmarks (http://www.indianapoliscitymarket.com, 2002). Now that it is on the National Register of Historic Landmarks its history and permanence is officially recognized.

Another farmers’ market existed downtown in the 1970’s. It was located on South Street less than a mile away. While that space was eventually replaced by an Ely Lilly building, the demand for a farmers’ market remained. In 1997 that demand was reunited with the historic market building, combining the ritual with the appropriate historic space.

This robust farmers’ market has stood the test of time. Now on the National Register of Historic Landmarks, it is sure to keep the connotation of food in whatever form the future holds. For now, this Indianapolis landmark is growing in its role as a farmers market and an attraction for tourists and those of the downtown lunch crowd.

East Central Indiana’s Natural Heritage Market – Farmer Run Farmer’s Market

From two to six tents line Walnut Street facing traffic. Many people come to this farmers market to socialize as well as shop. Conversations about local politics and organic food in the city of Muncie can often be heard. This market is small and many people know each other.

This picture looks southeast from the corner of Walnut and Charles. Parking exists along the street, though many customers travel by foot or bicycle. This farmers market makes use of a rarely used city half block.

This farmers’ market was started because of consumer demand for a market that has only local products and where farmers use organic or non-toxic/natural growing practices. It is very informal in the respects that there is no set-up fee for vendors, customers and farmers call each other by name, and farmers can respond more directly to consumers’ requests due to its small size. There are currently about six farmers and a few occasional craft vendors selling at this market. Advertising is done primarily by e-mail list and by word of mouth.

This farmers’ market is located on the south side of downtown Muncie on the vacant grassy lot on the corner of Walnut and Charles Streets. This event takes place Thursday evenings from 4pm until 7pm from May to October. This empty city block is surrounded by buildings that are slowly being renovated. It is too early to tell what kind of effect the revitalizing downtown and this new farmers market will have on each other. This market is currently in its second year.
This farmers’ market is attractive to farmers because they have more of a voice in how the farmers’ market is regulated. One drawback is the lack of a dedicated or paid administrator to coordinate its promotion. Because of the small size of this farmers’ market, some farmers do not make as much money as they would at a larger market. One farmer noted to the contrary, she made more money in less time at this market as opposed to the larger Minnetrista Farmers’ Market.

Farmers and other vendors are limited to the sale of locally grown food and crafted items. Products cannot be resold. All food products must be grown as certified organic, certified natural, or have the administrator’s approval as being grown in a manner that is compliant or exceeds certification standards. This market is farmer run, but may hire a non-farmer administrator as it grows. No extended season exists.

Traders’ Point Green Market – A Proprietor Run Commercial Supporting Farmers’ Market

This picture looks north toward the Creamery Building. Customers park to the west. To the right of the farmers’ tents is a pavilion where farmers’ market products are used to create dinners that can be bought during farmers’ market hours. The setting is a cross between an outdoor cafe and a family barbeque, as customers sit on the deck adjacent to the farmers’ market booths.

At the farmers’ market, some farmers bring in farm animals for children to interact with. Farmer Sharritt had a “Rent-A-Chick” program last spring, where children could adopt a baby chick and take it home for a week. Another farmer brought in baby goats for children to pet. The cows of Traders Point Creamery can be seen as they are milked in the creamery’s facilities. They enter the smaller green building which is the milking parlor. The bottling process is also open for viewing through a large plate glass window. The cows can also be seen grazing in fields to the east.

As a part of the creamery, Traders Point Green Market, “features small scale and sustainable growers and producers who are certified organic, transitional organic, or pledge not to have used synthetic fertilizers, pesticides, herbicides, antibiotics or hormones” (http://www.tpforganics.com). There are three main attractions to this event. The organic creamery is the central operation. The “green” farmers market draws in more people who are looking for fresh vegetables, meats and cheeses. A mostly organic dinner is also available which adds to the atmosphere and draws many people to this event. It is obvious that this market is one of three activities, brought together to draw and share a base of customers.

The summer event takes place from 4:00pm to 7:00pm every Friday. It runs from May to late October. This farmers’ market is located just outside of northwest of Indianapolis. It is an event that promotes Trader’s Point Creamery, an organic dairy that sells milk, cheese, and yogurt throughout Indiana.

Vendors set up their booths in a grassy field in front of the creamery during fair weather. If foul weather is expected, vendors set up in a large barn. The area surrounding is pasture, farmland and the rural fringe of the city. It is located about 2 miles from large new development and shopping areas of Indianapolis. There are no crafts vendors allowed, however, value added agricultural products such as lotions and cooked foods are allowed if produced by the vendor.

The winter market takes place every Saturday morning (except Christmas and New Years days) from 9am to 12pm in the creamery loft. It runs from November through March. A breakfast is provided, while farmers with an extended crop season sell their produce. Other vendors sell meat, honey, lotions, pastries and cooked food items with a lighter dependence on the growing season.

The majority of customers are families with young children. In the main building of the creamery, one can watch the milk production from the milking to the bottling, viewed through plate glass windows. It provides an educational experience for both children and adults
The farmers are charged $100 yearly for a booth space to vend and $200 for truck space. They can also pay $12 for a single market. Market guidelines state that products must be grown in-state. Market guidelines state that products cannot be resold. Products must have organic or natural certification or be approved by the administrator.

Minnetrista Farmers’ Market – Attraction to a Museum of Cultural Heritage

Customers can borrow wagons to use as shopping carts to carry their farmers’ market purchases. Farmers cook up samples of meat for customers to sample. Customers breakfast on baked goods sold at many booths. There are also demonstrations like sheep sheering and cooking shows. Children’s activities include “Kids Fun Day” with activities like face painting, a scavenger hunt, and a bean bag toss.
This drawing looks to the south toward the center of the Minnetrista Cultural Center. The Minnetrista Orchard Shop is the building on the left. Customers park in the parking lot to the south and along the street to the north.
The Minnetrista Farmers’ Market is a part of the Minnetrista Orchard Shop, which is a part of the Minnetrista Cultural Center in Muncie, IN. No extended season exists, though the Orchard shop is open year round. It is located about a mile north of downtown Muncie.
This farmers’ market began in the year 2000. The vision statement for Minnetrista Cultural Center is, “Minnetrista will be the leader in creating a distinct regional identity for East Central Indiana based on the region’s heritage.” Most of the produce sold at this farmers’ market is locally grown. The market is here to support the farmers and culture of East Central Indiana.
This event takes place on Wednesday evenings from 4pm to 7pm and Saturday mornings from 7am to 11am in the parking lot of Minnetrista Orchard Shop. The Orchard shop is a part of Minnetrista Cultural Center that is set in a park like setting between the White River and the Delaware County Fairgrounds.
Fees are $4/day for a table and $6/day for truck space on Saturdays. They are $4 and $2 respectively on Wednesdays. About 50 vendors are signed up on the market roster. Market guidelines state that products must be grown in-state. Produce can be bought re-sold here, however, to participate in the WIC program, vendors must grow at least fifty-one percent of their own produce. The WIC program, or The Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children is an organization that serves low-income women, infants and children up to the age of five in part by giving vouchers that can be used to buy farmers’ market products. It is estimated that as much as 45% of these farmers’ profits come from WIC vouchers. Products sold at this farmers’ market do not have to have organic or have natural certification.

Broad Ripple Farmers’ Market – An Evolution through Changes in Location

This drawing looks east from the steps of the Indianapolis Art Center toward the Monon Trail, This trail is a pathway for runners and bikers and provides access to the farmers’ market. Parking and access for automobile traffic exists to the south. Also to the south, exist several shops and restaurants that are visited by many farmers’ market customers. The farmer’s tents gravitate toward the eastern border of trees and Monon Trail where foot traffic is the heaviest. Live music often plays as people walk about the Indianapolis Art Center parking lot eating baked goods and talking to friends.

This farmers’ market began in the early 1990’s in Indianapolis’ north side. This farmers’ market is an example of one that has changed locations many times in its growth. In at least four progressively larger locations this farmers’ market has grown to support its growing number of vendors and customers. It is currently located in the parking lot of the Indianapolis Art Center. Prior to this year, it was located in the LOR Corporation Parking lot across on Broad Ripple Avenue across the street from Broad Ripple High School. It also existed in two other parking lots prior to this.

It takes place Saturday mornings from 8am to 11am. This space is adjacent to the Monon Trail, a popular bike and pedestrian corridor through Indianapolis. It is used by many customers to get to that farmers’ market. Brad Hopper, Market Manager and Executive Director of the Broad Ripple Village stated that the goal of this market is to bring local organic produce to the Broad Ripple area (personal communication, November 12, 2004).

The farmers are charged $100/booth/year or $25 for a single day rental. The money goes toward promotion and insurance. There are about 30 vendors. Market guidelines state that products must be grown in-state. Market guidelines state that products cannot be resold. Products do not have to have organic or natural certification. This market is run by the Broad Ripple Village Association. No extended season exists.

The Original Farmers’ Market (OFM) at the historic Indianapolis City Market – A Historic Building and Event

This farmers’ market closes a city block length of street on a fairly well traveled road. Tents line both sides of the street by the sidewalks while customers walk the center to do their shopping. There are many prepared food products. People on their lunch breaks can choose from a number of baked goods as well as fresh apple cider, and honey lemonade.

This picture looks north toward the Indianapolis City Market building. Its many restaurants provide additional attraction to the lunchtime crowd. Parking is plentiful in surrounding on and off-street locations. The City-county building is adjacent to the south and is a source of many farmers’ market customers.

As a part of the City Market’s strategic plan it intends to use The Original Farmers’ Market to reclaim “its agricultural and food resource identity” and “strive to produce the premier Farmer’s Market in Indiana” (http://www.indianapoliscitymarket.com, 2002). Stevi Stoez, former Market Manager says that it was a grassroots effort to get this farmers’ market started in 1997 (personal correspondence, Oct 18, 2004). It is now a popular lunchtime spot for many professionals of downtown Indianapolis.

The Original Farmers’ Market at the historic Indianapolis City Market takes place Wednesdays from 10:00am until 1:30pm. This market is located in downtown Indianapolis on Market Street between the streets of Alabama and Delaware. This venue is the one block length of Market Street, temporarily closed to traffic, between the City-County Building and the City Market. It is the site of the old Indianapolis City Market of the 1800’s. The Indianapolis City Market is a large historic building that houses several food-court style restaurants of several types, including Middle Eastern, Cajun, Mexican, and Asian. Its goal is to bring a sense of community and to attract people to the downtown area.

This large farmers’ market has about fifty vendors who are charged $100 for one space for the approximately 26 week season. A double space costs the vendor $245. The farmers’ market guidelines state that products do not have to have organic or natural certification must be grown in Indiana. Products cannot be resold. The City Market is run by a thirteen member board of directors six of whom are appointed by the mayor and seven are appointed by the Indianapolis City-Council. An extended season exists, but there were few vendors in the winter of 2004. The winter farmers’ market is moved into the City Market building. There it shares space with the restaurants booths (http://www.indianapoliscitymarket.com, 2002).

4. FARMERS’ MARKET ADMINISTRATORS:

Administrators coordinate the supply and talents of farmers to create a viable commercial operation. They provide a place for the farmers market. The farmers’ market is promoted to meet customers’ needs. It is created to fit the needs of all three actors. The administrators are community leaders and entrepreneurs who have an interest in drawing a critical mass of people.

The administrator or the body in charge of each market has formed and continues to shape each market in a way that best suits the farmers, the consumers and their own needs. The Administrator can be a single person, a board, or other group that decides on the rules and regulations and the spatial dimensions of the market. An administrator may have a specific intended motive, but his or her actions are mainly governed by maintaining and strengthening the relationship between the farmers and customers.

The creation of several farmers’ markets by different administrators in differing contexts has created a diversity of farmers’ markets. I have identified the five following aspects of farmers’ markets governing their administration: Some farmers’ markets restrict the distance that food and other products intended for sale travel. Many have restrictions on the resale of products. Some are restricted to organic or naturally grown and produced items. Some have sole proprietorship while others are run by governing bodies. Some offer an extended season or winter farmers’ market to the normal summer season.

Other differences include variance in size and formality. Size depends on the market for local produce, the size of available spaces and the availability of willing farmers to sell their goods. Some markets are very formal, are set up in a permanently designated space, and have stringent rules for vendors to follow. The antithesis of this is the roadside stand or farm-side table where a farmer sells or trusts a customer to leave money for produce sitting in view of the road. Most markets have arrived at a balance somewhere in between formal and informal.
In The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Sociology Gordon Marshall writes that sociologists use the term “informal” to designate non-market work, and sometimes black economy work, while economists would likely use the term for hidden, underground, or black economies that are not correctly measured by the Gross National Product. Non-market work can include: unpaid domestic work, community service, goods and services used that are bartered or given as gifts, and work for which income tax may not be paid in full. While “formal” may refer to waged and salaried labor, “informal” would refer to self-employment, artisanal production, and domestic service (Marshall, 1994).

Some markets take place twice or even every day of the week. The formal time structure of most markets in Indiana is a season that runs from May through October, though some have extended season when indoor facilities exist. As more new markets come into existence, consumers not only have the choice of location, but also the choice of which day of the week they wish to shop.

Farmers’ markets, like Traders Point Green Market and East Central Indiana’s Natural Heritage Market, have opened up in the past couple years in response to customers desire for natural and organic products. While these farmers’ markets are very different, they each are adapted to the local customer demand. “Nationwide, the market for organic foods has soared from $3.57 billion in 1997 to $10.38 billion in 2003, according to Organic Trade Association. The group predicts sales will reach $14.5 billion by the end of 2005 as Americans buy everything from radishes to beef grown without conventional pesticides and fertilizers, biotechnology, antibiotics or growth hormones... Cathy Greene, an agricultural economist with the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Economic Research Service, said the retail market for organic foods continues to grow about 20 percent each year. Most people buy organic out of health concerns, she said. Some want to support environmentally friendly farms, but for others, it's a quest for food with superior taste and nutrition” (Greene, May 9, 2005).

Each farmers’ market administrator has his or her own goals and reasons for running a farmers’ market. They bring together the farmer and the customer joining supply and demand. This critical meeting place also fosters the administrator’s goals. The union of these interests in Central Indiana is discussed in the next chapter.

3. CUSTOMER DEMAND FOR AN ALTERNATIVE TO THE

Farmers’ markets consist of a wide range of activities and are attractive for a variety of benefits and conveniences not found at the conventional grocery. The customer demand for an alternative is crucial to the existence of the farmers’ market. The existing demand consists of customers searching for food variety, freshness and quality, producer connections, and a social atmosphere that they cannot find at conventional grocery stores, yet is satisfied by the farmers’ market. From 1994 to 2002, the number of farmers markets in the United States increased by 79 percent, (Schiavone, 2004). Customers are making a connection between the food they eat and their resulting health. They pay higher prices for what they consider to be food of superior quality. The farmers’ market is perceived to be an ecologically friendly institution. Customers also put faith in individual farmers’ commitment to ecologically friendly growing practices. Each farmers’ market has its own unique social atmosphere, and satisfies a diversity of demands.

Helen Norberg-Hodge says that people are beginning to realize that the reliance on locally grown organic foods has many benefits, which include the health benefits of fresher foods, the pleasure of the farmers’ market, and the closer connection to the farmers and the land. (Norberg-Hodge, p. 1, 2002). The United States Department of Agriculture has stated that, “consumers are increasingly interested in knowing how their produce is grown.” Some federal support is in the works for the more than 3700 farmers’ markets that operate in the United States. (U.S.D.A. Agricultural Marketing Service, 2006).
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A customer interviewed from Traders Point shops at the farmers’ market to support local farmers. Through talking to them he feels satisfied through buying foods of which he knows the origin.

Another believes that production standards are higher for products found at Natural Bounty Farmers’ Market. He shops there because he trusts the farmers he buys from.

A man who describes the Minnetrista Farmers’ Market as “lots more fun,” shops there primarily for the free range pork and beef which he says “tastes so different.”

Another shops at the Broad Ripple Farmers’ Market because of the “great cheese” available from local producers.
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Customers are even willing to pay higher costs for these foods. “Although organic foods can cost two to three times more than their conventionally raised alternatives, Corinne Alexander, a Purdue University assistant professor of agricultural economics, said people, herself included, are willing to pay. ‘I like the idea that right now the organic farmers are being rewarded with premium prices for their hard work. It's really backbreaking work,’ she said” (Koch, 2005). Thirteen percent of the customers I interviewed agree that prices are higher, yet still continue shopping. "A survey of 3,500 people in Ohio found that 59 percent would be willing to pay 10 percent more for locally grown food. Thirty-nine percent were willing to pay a similar premium for organic food" (Fromartz, 2006). Shoppers at the farmers’ market are quite content with the cost and value of this type of shopping.

The increase in demand for local food extends from the farmers’ market into other institutions. There is a desire for nutritious foods in institutional settings as well. Ball State University in Muncie, Indiana may soon join hundreds of other schools in the nation in stocking its dining halls with fresh produce from local farmers. “The partnership would enable Ball State to bolster the local farm economy and to offer a line of naturally grown, fresh food to students and staff, said Ring, who grows and sells his own organic produce at his Natural Bounty Greenhouse and Farm along Eaton-Albany Pike.” (Koch, 2005).

Certain customers are drawn to the farmers’ market because of ecological concerns. Opportunities to reduce dependence on fossil fuels as well as support ecologically friendly land stewardship are reasons for supporting this institution. Only sixty-two percent of the customers interviewed drive, while others bicycle and walk as their transportation to the farmers’ market. Nearly a third combines the visit to the farmers’ market with other tasks.
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One bicycle riding customer at Minnetrista Farmers’ Market, who lives seven blocks away, says that the farmers’ market is easy to get to as a biker. He enjoys supporting the local economy through buying produce “rather than [buying products of] mass production and reselling.”
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The expected activity of food sales is only one of the farmers’ market attractions. Customers expect social activity and entertainment. Some of the activities I have witnessed in during my study have included live music, dinners, games for children, and cooking shows. The range of activities is only limited to the imagination and inhibitions of the farmers, customers and farmers market administrators. It is a community outlet of expression with an active audience.
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One customer at the Original Farmers’ Market in Indianapolis shops at the farmers’ market because of the ambiance that “tingles with excitement.” He also says it is a good way to network with people. He remembers what this market was like fifty eight years ago. He notes that the diversity of the stands has increased and that the produce selling has moved from inside to outside.

Another customer at this market shops there because of the sense of community, fresh vegetables, and the opportunity to be outside.
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The social aspect of farmers’ market shopping is an opportunity for families and friends to interact in a fun yet serious part of today’s life. Nearly half of customers interviewed come primarily for the social aspect. Those interested in local food can meet others interested in food. Those interested in learning about food can learn from those who know about food. The farmers’ market’s informal nature opens possibilities of many serendipitous interactions. Each farmers’ market experience can be different.
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I interviewed a man standing by himself at the Minnetrista Farmers’ Market who says his wife knows everybody. He also shops there because of the fresh food and the ambiance that the farmers’ market provides.
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The farmers’ market satisfies culinary, ecological, and social demands of its current customers, and continues to entice new customers. Food is sought out here for its freshness and quality (organic/naturally grown and better taste). Customers can be assured of food that has been grown and transported with minimal fossil fuel and pesticide usage. The shopping experience provides a festive atmosphere of social interaction. These demands are crucial to the survival and growth of the farmers’ market in its current form. It is the customer demand that makes the farmers’ market a viable place for farmers to sell. And, it is the satisfaction of this demand that gives the customer many reasons for his or her continued patronage.

2. THE PERSISTENCE OF THE SMALL SCALE FARMER

The persistence of the small scale farmer, particularly their fight against the trend to ‘get big or get out’ is central to the survival of the farmers’ market during its most difficult period. As larger, industrial agriculture farms enjoy a greater number of tax breaks and subsidies, the small-scale farmer has been forced to rely on niche markets. They have resorted to crop diversification which can provide products that grocery stores cannot or do not provide. Innovative marketing practices not only bring in more profit, but provide an attractive atmosphere for customers. The flexibility of the farmers’ market has provided a freedom for the farmer to continue and start new small scale practices, while providing a more intimate link with the customer.

The persistence of the small farmer can be readily observed. Writings by famous agrarian farmer/poets like Wendell Berry inspire and promote the importance of small scale agriculture. Numerous local news articles are written about innovative local farmers and the markets in which they participate. Many farmers have farm tours and other events that allow consumers to get a closer look and feel of the space from where their food comes.

In The Unsettling of America, published in 1977, Berry wrote extensively about abuses of farmland and farmers. He now argues that these abuses have become even worse twenty five years later. Berry laments that the agricultural businesses that were national at the time of the publication have since become global and are working against the world’s agricultural diversity. He quotes activist Vandana Shiva as saying that the purpose of this new global economy is to replace “food democracy” with a worldwide “food dictatorship.” Berry and other agrarian writers champion the independent and adaptable farmer who desires to stay close to the land and grow for a local population while promoting a network of local food economies for reasons of health, environment, culture and morality (Wirzba, 2003, p. 23).

Because government help is minimal for the small scale farmer, heavily subsidized industrial farming which can sell certain crops below cost is rapidly buying out family farms (Halweil, 2002, p.22). Within the past ten years, many farmers are finding that participation in a farmers’ market helps to continue a farming practice in a marketplace where the formal methods of sales are controlled by large corporations, mostly uninterested in supporting local agriculture.

The rise of industrial agriculture has coincided, not only with the disappearance of the small farm, but also to the dissolution of interdependent networks of rural communities that once existed in rural America. As large-scale industrial agriculture rapidly displaces land that once was the family farm, rural communities have agricultural interdependence replaced with reliance on centralized multi-national agricultural corporations. Noting a study from the 1940’s by Walter Goldshmidt, which compares similar sized rural towns Norberg-Hodge asserts that the town surrounded by family farms was far better off economically than the town surrounded by industrial agriculture. (Norberg-Hodge, 2002, p.80).

Industrial agriculture seeks to minimize costs by farming large tracts of land. Government subsidies though, provide a large amount of the income for industrialized agriculture. According to the New York Times, nearly forty percent of all farm income comes directly from government subsidies. Of the $190 billion in subsidies to be paid over the next ten years, farmers’ market funds were never appropriated (Egan, 2002).

Vikramaditya Prakash notes that “a paradigm shift is needed to understand the full impact of the development that is going on today” (Prakash, 1998). Writing about the new focus in cultural studies on subordinate groups,

“The subaltern movement...is not only about locations of resistance, but is also, and more importantly, about the location and description of development alternatives....subaltern histographers located the loci and contours of other historical resistance movements, not in the global narratives such as nationalism, but in the small scale efforts of the innumerable subaltern experiences” (Prakash, 1998).

The development alternatives I am examining come from the grassroots efforts of the small-scale farmer, in contrast to the top down centralized efforts of corporate farming. Five of the nine farmers interviewed are continuing to keep the viability of their family farms. While some farmers continue farming for the utility of making a living, others emphasize the pure enjoyment of their chosen vocation. The farmers interviewed persist for both reasons. The joys of working independently and spending time in the open air balance the long hours needed for this type of work.
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Farmer Ferree of Seldom Seen Farm near Danville, IN, has many reasons for market gardening. He has never liked working for anyone else, and prefers to work outdoors. Since he was living on family property he thought he could make an easy, good living by growing vegetables. He has found farming more of a challenge than he originally thought, but has persisted in his efforts for the past two years.

Farmer Brown of Brown Family Farms explains that his reasons for farming and selling at the farmers’ markets support his desire to look out for his own well being. He enjoys outdoor independent work. He also enjoys the aspect of getting to consume the healthy food he grows. He also says this is the most mentally stimulating job he has ever had.
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As family farms face a tax structure that draws them toward bankruptcy and/or the confusion of divided inheritance, the options of selling out can provide quick and easy cash. Since their peak in 1935 farms in the U.S. have decreased in number from 7 million to about 1.9 million in 1997. Indiana farmers who wish to continue farming often must resort to something more innovative than the growing of the common field crops of soybeans and corn. Farmers have experimented with new crops and new ways of marketing them.

Niche markets are vital for the market gardener. Some of these marketing strategies include: use of eco-labels like “organic” or “all-natural”, growing specialty crops like garlic, or mushrooms, and creating value added products through processing like cakes, pies, or hickory syrup.

Eco-labels are used to help customers identify a certain manner in which a crop was grown. The organic label is a nationally recognized standard that is increasingly being used. The number of certified organic growers nationwide has increased from 3,587 in 1992 to 8,035 in 2003 (USDA, 2006). Many farmers who don’t find it feasible to pay the fees for organic certification will advertise less formally as “no-spray,” “all natural,” or “poison free” to let customers know their growing practices which the customers will have to take on trust.

Many farmers grow varieties of crops that are not normally found in grocery stores. One example is the great number of garlic varieties available at farmers’ markets. Garlic is one niche market that has grown tremendously. From the eleven acres of garlic reported by the national Agriculture Statistics in 1992, New York’s Garlic crop has grown 265 acres in 2002. Hard-neck garlic harvested in New York as a prized specialty crop must be harvested by hand. Impossible to mass produce, new crops like garlic gain popularity among residents of New York, farmers quickly adapt to meet this attraction (Bowen, 2004).

Unique products like specialty mushrooms and value added products like hickory syrup and cakes and pies are able to reach the critical mass of customers that enjoy these, yet remain small enough markets that they are not taken over by supermarkets. Many farmers in Indiana are experimenting with new products that will help the farm businesses profit.
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It has been a long time dream for Steve Spencer and his brother Jeff of Sheridan, IN to create an alternative to corn and soybean growing. They found that alternative in growing shitake mushrooms which they have been doing for four years. Originally the mushrooms were sold wholesale. Now they find direct sales at farmers’ markets more profitable. Steve says the farmers’ market is like setting up a retail operation with a setup cost of only five dollars a day, while providing him the highest monetary return, because there are no middlemen.

Gordon Jones of Hickory Works, Inc., in Trafalgar, IN, says that about twenty percent of sales come from farmers’ markets. Selling hickory syrup is the sole livelihood for Gordon and his partner Sherrie Yarling. Much of their sales come from internet and catalog sales. His presence at the farmers market is profitable in advertising and networking as many customers have return sales through the internet. Word of mouth has caused internet sales to increase rapidly each year.
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The adaptability of the small scale farmer takes many forms. Farmers have found high tech means of keeping tabs on their customers. While niche markets add variety and excitement to the farmers’ market new products need new marketing techniques that can be executed with a small budget. The internet has been one means of communication that brings customers closer to the farm. Farm internet sites and electronic mail also help to keep loyal customers up to date on the latest harvest as well as other farm events.
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In addition to farmers’ market visits, Farmer Brown uses e-mail to provide customers a more intimate connection to the farm. He writes about daily farm excitement, joys and complaints. These weekly farm updates provide virtual farm visits. Here people get to know his family, his fields, and the produce that will soon be at market. People also have the chance to have items held in the case that they must come late to the farmers’ market.
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Seven of the farmers I interviewed do not feel like they have had a large effect on the farmers’ market. They feel like they have adapted to it more than they have affected it. Farmer Grabow says that he has changed more than the market has. Marketing strategies are constantly changing, he says, and wants to write a book on the subject.

One farmer has changed the market. Farmer Ring of Ring Family Farm did decide to create his own farmers’ market. In 2004, East Central Indiana’s Natural Heritage Farmers’ Market began its trial season. It was created in response to customers in Muncie wanting a farmers’ market that sells only organic or natural products that are also produced and sold by the farmer.

Five of the nine farmers I interviewed encourage visitors and are beginning to participate in statewide agritourism programs to help promote their farms. Grabow Orchard and Bakery in southwest Madison County, Indiana is one farm that has greatly benefited from local news coverage. In September 1996, an article from the Indianapolis Star featured the orchard’s apple dumplings. It brought enough customers to begin an annual apple dumpling festival that takes place each year on the last Saturday of September. (http://www.graboworchard.com/, 2004).

Within all five farmers’ markets, that I studied, small scale farmers persist to seeking viable marketing strategies. They have created niche markets and new farmers’ markets. To maintain the family farm and to continue to sell the farm products that consist of months of invested sweat equity, these farmers strategize, network, and identify the best opportunities available in the variety of farmers’ markets to join, if not create. The varieties of farmers’ markets will be discussed in Chapter 4.

1. INTRODUCTION

Today’s farmers’ market is a space and place created by the small-scale farmer, customer and the farmers’ market administrator. Its existence is threatened by the formal structure of agricultural commerce that emerged in the 1960’s. The persistence of these select actors has maintained the viability of the farmers’ market. In regard to urban design, the farmers’ market emerges as a robust, or adaptable, center that enhances economic activity, provides inherent education through participatory landscapes, and facilitates a sense of place.

Mass production, over consumption, and over distribution have all made small production less profitable, yet the marketing of agricultural products on a small scale is one strategy that is being used for many farmers to keep their practice viable. Farmers’ markets sales are a niche where the small farm can remain small and still remain viable. Many of these family farms would have had to sell out to large, corporate agriculture. “Small Farms cannot survive selling to national wholesalers” (Gratz, 1998, p. 210). It is good fortune for the small farmer that the consumer market continues to grow in support of farmers’ market commerce.

Centralized industrial agriculture has grown to capture nearly all of food sales, yet customer demand has been crucial to keep the farmers market from dying out. From 1946 to 1970 the number of farmers markets in America dropped from 455 to 342 (Brown, 2002). From 1970, retail farmers’ markets have grown to 3155 in 2003 (Lydia Oberholtzer and Shelly Grow, 2003).

As these numbers indicate, a growing number of consumers are still looking for an alternative to the modern grocery store. These consumers are concerned about getting the best quality food. From the 1990’s, the farmers’ market has also become part of the new social trend of healthy lifestyles for customers. Some customers desire to know the origin of their food and others prefer a local source. Individual farmers’ markets meet these demands while also becoming social events where families and friends gather in a weekly ritual. This way, the once nearly extinct farmers market is once again become a viable institution.

Providing a place for the farmers’ market, administrators create spaces that can “stimulate social interaction, foster new business, preserve historic buildings, and stabilize downtown districts or small commercial districts” (Gratz, 1998, p. 211). Administrators oriented toward the farmer help to provide farmers with viable direct marketing opportunities. Community oriented administrators seek to create social centers for the benefit of the surrounding area. Administrators who are more commercially oriented seek to attract people to their own or surrounding businesses. Most farmers’ market administrators are a combination of the three.

The actions of these three actors –the small farmers, the customers, and farmers’ market administrators-- generate a sense of place for the farmers’ market. Place, scale, adaptability, formation of centers, social activity and education are important factors that create vibrant urban places. While the farmers’ market is created by these actors, the place –the farmers’ market-- also plays a key role in forming the institution. Robust in its ability to adapt to physical, political, and economic changes, the farmers’ market has emerged as a center of activity. It draws crowds of people that, in turn, spend money to support the businesses. The farmers’ market also provides a social space that is highly educational. These three actors and the space they create all have a part in creating an environment that supports individual interests.

Method
I seek to demonstrate the contribution of farmers, customers, and farmers’ market administrators to the building of the institution and particularly the space of the farmers market and how it in return benefits each of them. I shall focus on the urban design of the farmers’ market. I will show how the farmers have struggled to keep their business viable, how customer demand has continued to provide room for new niche markets for farmers, and how and why the farmers’ market administrator has provided space where the above actors can meet. Finally, I will examine the urban design of the farmers’ market to discover the urban space these three actors have created.

Individual small-scale farmers, farmers’ market administrators, and customers, contribute to the institution and design of each market every time it is performed. I focus on the individual growers who sell at two or more of the following markets during the week to help compare and contrast the different farmers’ markets within which they sell. The following five Central Indiana farmer’s markets were examined with particular attention paid to the three actors (farmers, customers, and administrators). The farmers’ markets include: “Minnetrista Farmers’ Market” and “East Central Indiana’s (ECI) Natural Heritage Farmers’ Market” in Muncie and “Traders Point Green Market,” “Broad Ripple Farmers’ Market,” and “The Original Farmers’ Market” in Indianapolis. The form (spatial, temporal, and social) of the farmers’ market has been examined through the use of criteria by the experts in the field of urban design particularly Jon Lang, Kevin Lynch, and Christopher Alexander.

I have selected these five farmers markets because they have strong differences. Each city has a diversity of farmers’ markets to cater to different customers. ECI and Traders Point both sell only organic or similarly certified foods. ECI and The Original Farmers’ Market are both downtown locations. Minnetrista and The Original Farmers’ Market are both located in historically recognized places. Minnetrista and Broad Ripple both have exercise trails in close proximity.

I have interviewed farmers, customers, and farmers’ market administrators. I sought to find out what each actor gives and receives during their participation in the farmers’ market. The network of farmers was evaluated through market visits and interviews. I examined economic benefits of using the farmers’ market for the selling of farm products. Marketing practices have been compared to determine the importance of the farmers’ market to the small farmer.

Farmers were interviewed by asking the following questions: What farmers’ markets do you participate in and why? What do you contribute? What is your niche? How have you influenced these farmers’ markets? What is your relationship with the customers? What is your relationship to the farmers’ market administrators? (For the full description of each farm, see appendix A.)

Customers were interviewed to determine the reasons for shopping at the farmers’ market and to learn why the farmers’ market is an attractive place to be. I sought to determine the difference between buying from the farmers’ market and from the grocery store. I also evaluated the potential for customer demands that could be met at the farmers’ market.

The following questions were asked in the customer interviews: Why do you shop at the farmers’ market? Is this more of a social or shopping event? How did you get here today? Where did you come from immediately prior to the farmers’ market? Where will you go when you leave the farmers’ market? How easy is it to get to this farmers’ market? Have you made a request of a farmer and had it fulfilled? What recent changes have you noticed at this farmers’ market? How would you describe the group of people that shop at this farmers’ market? How much money do you spend per visit? How does this compare to grocery store shopping? How many farmers’ markets do you visit per week? What would you like to see at future farmers’ markets?

Farmers’ market administrators were interviewed to analyze their intent and their perceived value of the farmers’ market in their particular space: What are the direct benefits that the administrators receive? Are there any other benefits? What are the negative aspects of running a farmers’ market? What is the mission or design that the administrator is trying to achieve?

I then examined the farmers’ market’s constitution paying special attention to its strengths and weaknesses as a viable marketplace and meeting place for the three actors described. The criteria of urban designers are used to create a framework to examine the spatial and temporal structure. The level of robustness is examined to predict the farmers’ market’s viability over time. The farmers’ market’s role as a spatial center is examined by the way it relates and the perception of how it relates to its surrounding environment. Experiential education and public participation are examined through observation. Finally, the sense of place and time of the farmers’ market in Indiana, created by these three actors, is examined in detail.